Brian Taylor: Explained – how Labour intend to mirror SNP strategy

I thought of that this week. All passion spent, our politicians, elected or deposed, are adapting to the new reality.

No more bombast or rhetoric. Time to get on with that neglected garden. Especially for our new Prime Minister and still relatively new First Minister.

But perhaps, to begin, a glance elsewhere. The Liberal Democrats seem to be coping admirably with their restored status as the third party in the Commons.

The Tories? Rishi Sunak already appears to be fading from public view. Like a Parliamentary Cheshire Cat. (Told you I liked Carroll.)

Douglas Ross is in limbo. Or perhaps purgatory. As his colleagues assess his leadership and his fatally flawed decision to contest – and lose – a Westminster seat.

There is talk once more of the Scottish Tories breaking away from the UK party in an effort to establish a distinctive persona.

It seems possible that they will devise a form of quasi-autonomy, although in truth they have that already.

Don’t envisage a complete break, though. For one thing, funding. For another, their members mostly dislike the concept. As Murdo Fraser found out in 2011 when he lost the Scottish leadership by offering to create a new entity, under a new name.

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I suppose it depends upon what – and who – emerges from the wider GB discourse about the future direction of the Tories.

But, mostly, I think the Scottish Tories will reconsider and regroup, retaining – for now – the status of principal opposition at Holyrood.

Which brings me to the most intriguing relationship of all. That between Labour and the SNP, between Sir Keir Starmer and John Swinney.

Sir Keir opened with a bold declaration that he had “a clear mandate to govern for all four corners of the United Kingdom”.

I take his point about the scope of the victory but still that statement must have seemed a mite puzzling in Northern Ireland, where politics remains resolutely distinctive.

In Scotland, there was some grumbling that the PM might be planning to over-ride devolved power. Senior Labour figures assure me, vehemently, that the exact opposite is the case, that he will be “respectful of devolution, respectful of the office of First Minister.”

I am assured, further, that the PM means it when he says that Scotland’s interests will be placed at the centre of his administration, that all ministries have been told to feature Scotland in their deliberations.

Again, we shall see. I am sceptical about the extent to which Scotland will be considered by UK ministries. In Whitehall, there can be a tendency to internalise discussion, in order to cope with pressing challenges.

But, certainly, the optics are supportive. The new Scottish Labour MPs, lined up for a Prime Ministerial meeting. The PM himself making Edinburgh his first port of call outside London.

But is there substance? I believe that the UK and Scottish Governments will indeed co-operate.

Not least because it is very much in the political interest of both parties. Labour needs to provide early evidence of delivery to repay the support given by the Scottish people.

Frankly, the economic circumstances point towards further stasis, rather than dramatic change. Hence, the focus upon matters which can be enacted: the establishment of GB Energy in a Scottish base and higher wages for the low paid, funded by reluctant employers.

As to the other main concerns of the people – hospitals, schools and crime – those are all devolved. They are in Holyrood hands, however much they featured in this Westminster campaign.

Which is one reason why the new UK Government will co-operate with the devolved Scottish Government. In order to deliver, they need pals.

Further, the impetus of the civil service – which remains a UK entity, even in Scotland – is to collaborate, to share information and generate results.

(Image: Starmer and Swinney meet in Edinburgh)

Further still, the people want co-operation. They want their elected politicians, regardless of party, to sit down together and sort things out.

There is another element, though. Glance at that Downing Street photocall. Labour’s Scottish leader Anas Sarwar MSP is right at the centre.

When the PM came to Scotland for talks with the FM, he also met Mr Sarwar. That is the partisan dimension, the eyeglass pointed towards the Holyrood elections in 2026.

In which regard, I would expect Labour to pursue a mirror image of the established SNP strategy.

Mr Swinney, as with his predecessors, seeks to govern moderately and consensually within devolved powers, while simultaneously inviting the voters to consider how much more could be done with the full clout of independence.

I expect a comparable dual strategy from Labour. They will say: this is what we can do with UK reserved powers. Would it not be better if we had control of devolved policy too? Would that not be smart, cohesive politics?

That, I believe, is the political narrative which underpins the genuine offer of co-operation with Scottish ministers. Labour will work with the SNP – while simultaneously excoriating their record in devolved government.

And the SNP? I do not believe there will be a serious challenge to John Swinney’s leadership. Yes, ousted MPs are unhappy. But for one thing, Mr Swinney just got there. For another, he is already trying to turn matters around with competent government focused upon popular priorities.

Equally, though, the SNP have to cope with the scale of their defeat. That means responding constructively to Labour’s new power base. It means working with Starmer and Sarwar.

As one senior figure put it to me, the SNP have to “skip outraged and angry”. There is no time – and no public tolerance. They have to “keep the heid”.

That means giving the new UK Government a breathing space – while preparing to be intelligently critical if Team Starmer fall short. It also means, as one put it to me, avoiding “stupid mistakes” involving iPads and the like.

Nothing endures but, for now, I expect our politicians to play nicely.