Scotland's election: why Scottish issues really do matter in this vote

But it was a single transferable reprimand. Earlier, the PO had felt obliged to castigate other members. Up with this she would not put.

One sympathises, of course. It is difficult enough, in truth, to corral our occasionally truculent tribunes – without the “distraction” of UK electioneering, as the PO put it.

Perhaps the best one can do is to suggest to the PO that she is in for a troubling six weeks. Loadsaluck.

Now this contest may have been signalled somewhat abruptly from Downing Street, prompting wonder and dismay, in equal measure, among some of the PM’s supporters.

It may have been called to refresh the membership of the Commons, soon to be dissolved. It may, further, be designed to determine the next government of this United Kingdom.

However, it swamps all else in the world of politics, well beyond Westminster SW1. It will preoccupy all our politicians.

And, for voters, it will straddle the division between devolved and reserved matters.

Now, it is true that the discourse differs across the constituent parts of the UK. In Northern Ireland, of course, but also in Scotland, and in Wales where, as the Prime Minister now understands, anticipation of the Euro football championship is less than eager.

But politics does not sit in neat silos. John Swinney certainly knows that. What extraordinarily bad fortune that the police report on Operation Branchform, the inquiry into SNP finances, was sent to prosecutors just as Mr Swinney launched his election campaign.

In addition, we have already witnessed two early overlaps. One concerning individual behaviour and one concerning policy.

Holyrood’s standards committee has voted to sanction Michael Matheson for improper use of his parliamentary iPad (his offspring were watching football, while on holiday).

The suggested penalty is a 27-day suspension – and pay docked for twice that period. Contentious in itself. He apologised and paid back the cash.

But the election transforms everything. Douglas Ross, he who leads the Scottish Tories, would probably have demanded a resignation in any event. But now he links it to that wider contest, suggesting that a by-election in Mr Matheson’s Holyrood seat might usefully be held on the same day.

And he goes further, inviting voters at the UK General Election to cast a general verdict upon “SNP politicians who let them down.” His solution? Vote Tory.

Read more:  How will Scots react to choice between Tories, Labour and SNP?

Read more: Sunak, Starmer, Swinney – and the politics of fear
 

John Swinney says this reveals what the dispute is all about. Brazen electioneering. He defends Mr Matheson, up to a point – by arguing that one Tory member of the committee had condemned the former Cabinet Secretary in advance, thus displaying prejudice.

Now, again, Mr Swinney might always have been inclined to defend his friend and colleague. But the election makes that mandatory, makes it more vehement.

Labour’s Anas Sarwar goes further, extending the complaint to encompass his party’s core Scottish theme, disclosed at their campaign launch. Which is that Scotland has a chance to reject “two chaotic, failing Tory and SNP governments” at Westminster and Holyrood.

Strictly, that is unconstitutional. (Yes, I do possess a rather fetching anorak, thanks for asking.)

Labour could win every Westminster constituency in Scotland, building dramatically upon the single seat they took last time out. John Swinney would still be First Minister and his devolved government would still determine matters such as health and education, as they affect Scotland.

However, discarding the anorak for a moment, that is too prim and purist.

Firstly, the fundamental overlap. Holyrood may set the day-to-day framework for devolved matters, in tandem with local authorities and health boards.

But the fiscal context in which such services operate is largely laid down by Westminster – to which all roads lead, as Labour’s Wes Streeting declared.

Further, it is unreasonable and impractical to expect the voters in Scotland to focus purely upon reserved matters such as defence, foreign affairs and the macro-economy.

That is why the SNP’s opponents feel empowered to attack the Scottish Government’s record in the context of this imminent contest.

That is why John Swinney asserts that he will vigorously defend that devolved record – which, he says, outperforms that of its Labour predecessor, despite being beset by what he calls “Tory follies” such as Brexit and economic austerity.

It is also why Alex Cole Hamilton and his Liberal Democrat campaign convener, Lord Wallace, happily set out to project their perspective on both devolved and reserved issues.

The Greens, meanwhile, also focus on a UK issue with particular Scottish resonance. The future of North Sea oil and gas exploration. Leave it in the ground, they say, to help protect the planet.

Now, the issue of Michael Matheson’s behaviour will probably subside as the campaign proceeds – although not quite yet. A vote on his punishment is expected next week, with Mr Swinney adamant that it is unfair and critics equally determined to persist.

But that broader question of the overlap between the Scottish body politic and this UK contest will endure.

That is a legacy of asymmetrical devolution. (OK, OK, anorak now firmly back on my shoulders.)

However, it is just one curiosity in this decidedly intriguing summer battle, the first July election since 1945 (didn’t cover it myself, didn’t end well for the Conservatives).

Each offer thus far is modulated. From Rishi Sunak, the politics of fear – the economy, global conflict, memories of Covid – moderated by his offer to provide stability and progress.

From Keir Starmer, the politics of change – the single word slogan emblazoned on every party banner. But moderated by caution in policy, most especially financial policy.

From John Swinney, the politics of independence or, more precisely, of “putting Scotland first” within that UK choice. Moderated by his experience in office and his own efforts to refocus Scottish Government endeavours, most particularly on the economy.

Ultimately, your choice.