Former First Minister Henry McLeish: Why devolution was one small step for the UK, and one giant leap for Scotland

On the 24th of July 1997, a White Paper on Scotland’s political and constitutional future was presented to the House of Commons. This momentous event changed the course of British history and was the first step in delivering a Scottish Parliament after, nearly 300 years of a manufactured Union with England and Wales, a series of Home Rule debates in Westminster beginning in 1889, and the failed attempt to establish a Scottish Assembly in 1979.

This time a new opportunity presented itself on the back of Labour’s landslide election victory a few weeks earlier, the pioneering work of the Scottish Constitutional Convention, and the commitment of the late John Smith to the idea of devolution being, “the settled will of the Scottish people”.

Today, the 25th anniversary of the White Paper, when the behaviour of this Tory government and its contempt for the electorate are undermining democracy, accelerating the disunity of the United Kingdom, destroying the devolution settlement and has, at least for now, a Prime Minister who thinks “devolution is a disaster”, it makes sense to reflect and refresh on a different and inspired era of politics where leadership, integrity, intellect, seriousness, substance, honesty and humility were still part of the political discourse.

When the White Paper was published it immediately became the best -selling government document of all time and was the subject of a double launch-in the House of Commons and later the same day, with much more jubilation, in Scotland.

No wonder we were all in triumphant mood when we left the Commons and took a plane from City Airport in London’s Dockland on what was dubbed, with some exaggeration, “the Freedom Flight”, for the celebration of the White Paper at Edinburgh Castle: a “legal party”, for a great cause!

History shows that it is given to few politicians to fulfil their destiny. Donald Dewar was without doubt one such politician. 

The early devolution years should remind us of his insights, often ignored or forgotten, into the significance of devolution, how it was likely to develop in later years and above all else the challenges it would pose to the Labour Party, whose caution and hesitancy had often threatened to derail the home rule project:

Interest in devolution had ebbed and flowed, reflecting Scotland’s national mood and the varying political fortunes of the SNP.

Donald Dewar was the architect of the White Paper. It is worth remembering that without his contribution we may not be where we are today. A successful Parliament has impacted positively on the Scottish people, a vigorous, but incomplete, debate about Scotland’s future is taking place, and Labour now appreciates that constitutional change is a “journey not a destination”.

Then and now though, there remains a constant feeling of indifference and certainly ambivalence at Westminster. Devolution had never been part of the DNA or soul of this highly centralised and inflexible institution which had ruled without disruption or challenge for centuries.

This was the context in which Dewar had to win the battle for Scotland.

Historical analysis and the reading of Parliamentary reports cannot give the full picture of how one man’s sharp intelligence, intellect, political skill, and sheer grinding hard work helped to make Scotland’s dream a reality.

After Labour came to power for the first time in18 years, our party was in a state of euphoria. It would have been easy to lose focus, but Donald Dewar would not be diverted from the commitments we had made. Throughout that summer, he got down to work to deliver on the home rule campaign that had survived a controversial century.

In doing so, he was responsible for the production of what was generally acknowledged to be one of the most significant White Papers ever presented to parliament and people. It was spelled out with clarity and conviction.

Because of that, the White Paper proved popular and largely received cross-party support.

The White Paper was Donald Dewar’s finest moment.

Despite Labour’s clear commitment to devolution, there were some in our new government and Parliament for whom it was a grudging concession. How would the proposals we had framed in the manifesto stand up to the political and bureaucratic scrutiny of Westminster? The big beasts of the political jungle at Westminster and powerful figures within our own party were questioning the wisdom of the project: Jack Straw, David Blunkett and John Prescott had strong views on devolution! Yet, throughout the weekly bruising battles within the special Cabinet sub-committee, (DSWR- Devolution-Scotland Wales and the Regions) the White Paper emerged unscathed. The Support of Gordon Brown and Tony Blair was invaluable.

Returning to Dover House, after long and bruising committee sessions, Dewar would, in that laconic and self depreciating manner, be moan how well or other- wise he had done. The civil servants would then arrive to say what another remarkable performance he had turned in to defend Scotland’s interest and the integrity of the Scotland White Paper.

History’s verdict will be that Scotland’s hopes and future were enshrined in and ensured by that White Paper. He did not fail a nation to which he was intellectually and emotionally attached, steeped as he was in Scottish culture, books, poetry, art, and football.

How the future of devolution might unfold was also on his mind.

Giving the Spectator Lecture, “Towards a modern and Flexible Constitution” on the day after the passing of the Scotland Act in 1999, Dewar insisted, “Clearly, the debate should not stop when the doors of the Scottish Parliament open. What we have done in Scotland may be a catalyst for further change”.

Ahead of his time and conscious of the role of Scotland in the Union he said in the same speech, “It would be absurd to think that the UK is so fragile that any change to the constitutional settlement is bound to result in the fracturing of the whole”.

Dewar was even more explicit in predicting that devolution would be a process. At the opening of the Scottish Parliament on 1 July 1999, he said, “For any Scot, today is a proud moment; a new stage on a journey begun long ago and which has no end. A Scottish Parliament. Not an end; a means to greater ends”

Taking the long view, some form of consensus or “settled will” is needed if this debate on Scotland’s future is to unite the Nation.