FLIRTATION is always fun to watch, especially when it is between two old slappers like George Reid and John McAllion. The politics of coalition is about to hit Scotland and, away from the sectarian posturings of Westminster, the chat-up lines are being rehearsed.

With Strathclyde University's redoubtable John Curtice between them on Saturday to chaperone their fumblings, the SNP veteran and the Labour maverick gave us an impressive demonstration of the kind of ''new politics'' we are told will develop as a miraculous by-product of home rule.

''A Parliament Without Majorities'' was the right starting point for the weekend's deliberations on the future shape of Scottish politics, society, and culture.

Scotland's home-grown brand of proportional representation means we can't be too sure who will form that first, crucial administration. One thing is certain: elected dictatorships are not on the menu.

If we assume, as Curtice argued, that the Conservatives are a non-coalition party, then that leaves the three others to work out the permutations.

Labour and the Lib-Dems are in semi-coalition already, but the likelihood of any kind of co-operation between Labour and the SNP grows more remote by the hour, no matter how often we hear the kind of billet doux Reid aimed in his opening remarks at the ''many, decent'' Labour members who ''share my view of a just and egalitarian Scotland''.

For the benefit of the political junkies perched among the spooky-looking funfair art of the Sharmanka Kinetic Gallery, Reid was at his statesmanlike best. He articulated a vision of Scottish democracy which stressed - to my ears at least - the democratic above the Scottish.

He did his best to avoid the slanging which now dominates the Labour-SNP debate, but couldn't resist a dig at New Labour, and the obsession with command and control demonstrated by its ''Christian democrat'' leader.

McAllion, for his part, demonstrated yet again why it would be a tragedy to exclude his voice from Holyrood. He's had his interview with Stalin and family - ''it wasn't nearly as bad as I thought it would be'', he told me afterwards - but you will hear nothing from him that is critical of the leadership.

Instead he stressed the importance of ending Labour's hegemony in Scotland.

''Proportional representation will destroy forever the myth of Labour Scotland,'' he said. Far from being a heartland for Labour, Scotland is proof that first past the post just isn't democratic enough: 56 out of 72 MPs, with 54% of the vote, is hardly representational.

Reid focused on the actual workings of the Parliament - more committee work, pre-legislative scrutiny, and the development of cross-party relationships - and the prospects for greater public involvement in the legislative process.

He suggested a form of politics by petition, where the number of signatures triggers a statutory response from the administration: 25,000 names, say, would mean a parliamentary question to a Minister; 100,000 would trigger a single issue referendum.

McAllion concentrated on an appeal to his colleagues to avoid the confrontational ''mindset'' of first-past-the-post. ''This is a clear opportunity for a new kind of politics which is not about demonising the opposition but which treats voters as being intelligent.''

Differences between parties, he pointed out, are few and far between: which party wants runaway inflation or is proposing to use the tartan tax?

Both politicians expressed hopes that ''new politics'' might find room for new groupings, if not new parties.

But Curtice deployed his psephological skills to remind us the Scotland Bill and its electoral system makes it nigh on impossible for Highland Independents, Old Labour refugees, or even Tommy Sheridan to secure the necessary share of the votes without a considerable party structure.

As for fears that the Scottish Parliament will be peopled by carefully groomed clones, even McAllion warned against such a pessimistic projection.

''It goes against the national character to be clones,'' he said.