MRS Winifred Ewing, president of the Scottish National Party, next
week celebrates 20 years as a member of the European Parliament. Madame
Ecosse, mother of the house in Strasbourg, is now Britain's
longest-serving Euro-MP (but not the oldest).
She will be guest of honour at a formal reception on Monday when she
will be on her best behaviour. On the following night there will be a
less formal party when, with luck, the other Winnie Ewing will turn up.
This second, more entertaining Winnie Ewing likes nothing more than a
ceilidh and an argument. This is the feisty political combatant and
nationalist crusader, the Winnie Ewing of the flashing anger with anyone
who criticises Scotland or dares to dispute her opinions. The Winnie
Ewing who picks arguments and celebrates winning them -- which she
usually does -- by breaking into song over a dram. It should be a lively
night.
To call Winnie Ewing a passionate politician is an understatement. The
European Parliament has long become accustomed to her occasional
outbursts -- tantrums would not be too strong a word -- and her cogent
interventions. Most people who challenge her views on Scottish politics
end up regretting it as the President of the Parliament himself, Klaus
Hansch, did recently when he had to offer her a public apology after a
minor misunderstanding.
A few months ago in Brussels Mrs Ewing was taking questions after a
robust speech. A member of the audience rashly suggested that Scotland
might not gain from independence or even want it. Mrs Ewing finds this
sentiment incomprehensible. Rather than explain why she disagreed, she
simply took offence, questioning his patriotism. Baffled that anyone
could even think such a thing, she left him condemned more or less as a
traitor.
This is the style which has served Winnie Ewing well for almost 30
years at the centre of Scottish politics. It might not be logical but,
like the scattergun, it often works. Opponents have learned the hard way
that hitting Winnie Ewing over the head with facts is unproductive. She
responds, usually convincingly, with emotion and the conviction of the
single-issue campaigner.
Winnie Ewing is an old-fashioned nationalist of the romantic and
cultural kind for whom ideological political disputes are secondary --
an approach which helps in the conservative rural areas of Scotland, but
has only fleetingly proved powerful enough in the rough and tumble of
Labour-dominated urban Scotland.
But it takes more than romantic conviction to explain her remarkable
record as an electoral winner during almost three decades in a party
noted for only occasional if spectacular triumphs. Luck has, admittedly,
played a part but only at the start of her career.
Winnie Ewing came to prominence at the Hamilton by-election of 1967
when the local Labour Party, corrupt and incompetent, surrendered the
seat by its own complacency. That amazing result has left the Scottish
Tories and Labour's Scottish unionists paying the price to this day
because it let loose the genie of Scottish nationalism which continually
threatens their precious British nation state.
There had been successes before for the SNP but none quite like this.
Of all the party's charismatics -- Sillars and MacDonald, et al -- none
has managed to stay the course like Winnie Ewing. When two weeks ago she
was honoured by Glasgow University, where she qualified in law, the Dean
of the Faculty, Professor John P Grant, recalled her famous saying in
the aftermath of the Hamilton breakthrough: ''Stop the world -- Scotland
wants to get on.'' Almost 30 years on, the Scotland she yearns for as an
independent member of the European Union is farther down that road but
has still a dauntingly hard journey ahead.
Her other famous victory cry -- ''this is the millennium'' -- came in
the aftermath of the dramatic personal defeat in Scottish post-war
politics when in 1974 she toppled none other than the Secretary of State
for Scotland, Gordon Campbell, to take his Westminster constituency of
Moray and Nairn.
I recall my colleague, William Hunter, having just written a piece
predicting that result in this newspaper, repairing to the pub shaking
his head. ''It's the enormity of what I've just written,'' he fretted.
Next day his story appeared over the headline: ''This is a Campbell who
could be going . . .'' In those days you did not say things like that
about Scottish Secretaries but Winnie Ewing proved that in Scottish
politics the bigger they are, the harder they fall.
Yet the nationalist millennium still has not come. The SNP enjoyed
salad days in 1974 only to fall into disarray over devolution and wither
for almost a decade. Only occasionally has nationalism triumphed in that
time -- in Govan, briefly, and most recently in Kinross and Perth in
Westminster terms; and in North East Scotland in the European elections.
For most of her elected life Winnie Ewing has been exiled in Europe
working in relative obscurity. It was Le Monde which first described her
as Madame Ecosse and although her Labour critics will tell you no-one
calls her that except herself, they are wrong.
Until Allan Macartney won North East Scotland last year Winnie Ewing
was alone in Strasbourg. The Madame Ecosse sobriquet survived because
she had always presented herself as a representative of Scotland as well
as her constituency -- a presumption which causes resentment among her
opponents. When the chair in Strasbourg calls for a distinctively
Scottish voice it usually turns to Mrs Ewing, to the irritation of some
of her rivals.
Harold Wilson, whom she liked and admired, sent her unelected to
Strasbourg in 1975 which meant that for a time she was both MP and
Euro-MP. Later she legitimised this secondary role by winning the
Highlands and Islands Euro-seat for the SNP in the first Euro-elections.
Being from a minority party she landed herself in trouble for a while
when she joined a parliamentary voting block including French Gaullists.
The SNP at home was embarrassed but no-one knew what to do with her.
''Winnie will do as she's telt,'' one of the left's luminaries said back
in Edinburgh.
But making Winnie do as she is telt is never easy. Nowadays she sits
among a group of radicals which includes the flamboyant French crook
Bernard Tapie, now facing a jail sentence for fixing soccer matches. Her
Labour opponents in Strasbourg -- there are no Scottish Tories left to
bother her -- snipe from the sidelines but Winnie Ewing is long since
secure enough to stand aloof.
For most of her life in Europe she has worked on routine committee
duties, trying to improve the lot of the Third World with Euro-aid,
helping youth and other worthy efforts, and throwing some famous
parties. But two concerns have brought particular attention.
The Spanish in Strasbourg could see her far enough. For years she
battled -- ultimately in vain -- against the Spanish fishing fleet's
attempts to gain more access to Scottish waters. Being a lawyer she took
issue with the European Commission's legal base for changing the
Spaniards' terms of accession to the Treaty of Union, to the extent of
producing her own bulky legal judgment. Most independent observers
regarded it as flawless but, this being Europe, it was ignored in the
interest of political expediency, a force which has no respect for
scruple.
Her other campaign -- in which she had cross-party support -- was a
winner but only after many years. Her efforts to win so-called Objective
1 funding -- where the big European aid money lies -- for Highlands and
Islands allowed her to claim a personal triumph.
Mrs Ewing took the case to the very top during the British EU
presidency in 1992. Across the floor of the House in Strasbourg she
asked John Major if he would back the case for Objective 1 for Highlands
and Islands. The Prime Minister promised he would -- and the rest is
history.
Her presidency of the SNP has been eventful and relatively successful
-- given the party's respectable poll ratings -- though it owes most to
Alex Salmond's abilities to keep the warring left and right in his party
away from each other's throats. Winnie Ewing did not help her own cause
with her bizarre and much-criticised recent attack on Roseanna
Cunningham, victor in Perth and Kinross, whom she accused of having an
affair with her present daughter-in-law's ex-husband many years ago.
It was seen as a blatant bid to block Cunningham's candidature for
purely personal reasons but it backfired when someone tipped off the
press. An embarrassed Mrs Ewing put on a brave face and swallowed her
pride, not that she had much option. This curious episode is now buried,
Mrs Ewing must hope, for ever.
Winnie Ewing will be 66 on Monday and is now probably into her last
term in Strasbourg. Before the last election she was told she might have
a serious illness. While waiting for the results of tests she decided
she would stand down in Highlands and Islands if the news was bad. But
it was not. She fought on and won again, allowing the SNP and herself to
breathe a sigh of relief.
She knows that the party has too often seen its power bases in
illusive terms: thus it believed, for example, that Western Isles
belonged to the SNP when in truth it belonged to Donald Stewart. When he
disappeared the seat went to Labour. The same principle could apply in
Highlands and Islands. It looks like the SNP's private property but it
could in reality be only Winnie Ewing's.
In Winnie Ewing's time across the water in Europe a new generation of
Scots has grown up, some of whom don't even know who she is. Winnie
Ewing can walk down a street anywhere in Scotland nowadays unnoticed
(quite an achievement given her recent attachment to clothes of
traffic-stopping colours and a hairstyle which needs kept in place with
concrete).
Yet she is one of a disappearing breed, a Scottish politician of
stature who wins votes because of who she is, regardless of party
politics, and because she is trusted. She has her place in history which
is why hers will be a tough act to follow. If, as expected, she retires
after this term no-one should be surprised if her successor is called
Ewing.
MURRAY RITCHIE
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