IT was truly surprising this week to find out Boris Johnson still had the capacity to astonish on the Brexit front, with a speech aimed at allaying people’s worries over the economy and the UK’s place in the world.

After all, the Foreign Secretary’s albeit late-blossoming passion for Brexit is well known. And few could by now be unaware he is no fan of a soft exit from the European Union.

We also know by now that those in the Cabinet who so dearly love Brexit do not, publicly at least, display any fear at all about its impact on the UK economy. Even though, before we actually get to the dreaded exit, the economic damage is already writ large in a surge in inflation, a renewed fall in real wages, a sharp slowdown in growth, intensifying skills shortages, and weak business investment.

Given Brexiters’ distance from economic reality, it was not in any way surprising to hear Mr Johnson proclaim “Brexit can be grounds for much more hope than fear”.

Mr Johnson observed some people’s fears that the UK had voted to make itself less prosperous, their worries that the Brexit vote had been a “strategic or geo-strategic mistake”, and their “spiritual and aesthetic” concerns relating to the “Europeanness” in their identities.

Observing the extent of his determination to stave off another referendum on EU membership by attempting to charm and win over Remainers, it was no surprise to hear him acknowledge these fears. He had to recognise them, to create a platform for his populist, eclectic, and wordy speech on Wednesday.

Given Mr Johnson’s oratorical style, it was no surprise either that his subject matter ranged from trade to tennis analogies and stag parties.

However, the aspect of his speech that beggared belief was the summary dismissal of Remainers’ fears.

It was a jaw-dropping moment as Mr Johnson declared: “I believe whatever the superficial attractions of these points, they can be turned on their head. I want to show you today that Brexit need not be nationalist but can be internationalist, it is not an economic threat but a considerable opportunity, not un-British but a manifestation of this country’s historic national genius.”

The astonishment, it should go without saying, centred on the phrase “superficial attractions”. And a message that seemed little more than a plea for people to turn their frowns upside down.

There is nothing “superficial” about the economic concerns, or the other Brexit worries for that matter. They are fundamental.

What actually seemed superficial was Mr Johnson’s attempt to deal with these economic concerns.

His entirely unconvincing attempt to allay fears over Brexit, with a few jokes thrown in, must surely have been seen by many as a clear sign of the validity of these worries.

In a speech perhaps best described as bombastic, Mr Johnson declared: “We need talented people to come and make their lives in this country – doctors, scientists, the coders and programmers who are so crucial to Britain’s booming tech economy.”

But all the evidence has pointed to the UK, since the Brexit vote, having become much less attractive to many of these people.

Mr Johnson will no doubt be aware of the huge reduction in net immigration to the UK from other EU countries.

In Scotland, from people working in universities, the information technology sector, engineering, the National Health Service and many other areas, you hear concerns and dismay about what is already happening, with highly skilled workers from other EU countries leaving the UK or choosing not to come here.

Meanwhile, labour shortages in our post-Brexit vote society have also meant fruit and vegetables have had to be left to rot in fields.

The Brexit vote has, for good reason, unsettled many.

Mr Johnson talked a lot about being freed up, by Brexit, to do “serious free trade deals” with countries around the globe.

But there has been a deafening lack of progress on this front, after the initial euphoria from the Brexiters on this topic in the immediate wake of the June 2016 referendum vote. Trade deals are notoriously difficult to negotiate, and usually take many, many years to seal, if they ever come to fruition. You would also imagine most countries would prefer to negotiate first with the huge EU bloc before talking trade with a single country. The UK Government cannot assume being British will get it to the front of the queue.

Meanwhile, the myriad ramifications of Brexit continue to manifest themselves.

Glasgow Airport this week expressed concerns about the potential impact of the Brexit vote on its ability to attract new routes.

An airport spokesman said: “It just affects the confidence of the airlines in terms of putting in new routes. It is probably easier for them to place aircraft in countries where they have confidence in the market there.

“They probably don’t have the same level of confidence [in the UK] until they understand what the transition deal will look like and what the new relationship with the EU will look like.”

And a survey this week by the Scottish Retail Consortium is among a raft of indicators to highlight continuing pressure on household budgets. The survey showed the value of Scottish retail sales last month was down 0.1 per cent on a weak January 2017 comparative.

The impact of Brexit uncertainty was last week flagged again by Bank of England Governor Mark Carney.

He said: “Investment is being restrained by Brexit-related uncertainties. This remains the shallowest investment recovery in more than half a century.”

Mr Carney noted the “real income squeeze” endured by households.

This squeeze has arisen from the surge in inflation resulting from sterling’s post-Brexit vote weakness.

The Bank Governor observed: “Growth in household spending halved since the referendum.”

There is nothing superficial about any of that.

Mr Carney noted developments regarding the UK’s withdrawal from the EU remained “the most significant influences on, and sources of uncertainty about, the economic outlook”.

Observing what the Brexit vote is already doing to living standards and listening to the worries of consumers and businesses, Mr Carney’s down-the-middle assessment remains far more convincing than Boris’s bluster.